Besides balance, context is key, and i really cannot say which approach is best in most situations. Great article though — our political views are very polarized these days, and a little more balance would do everyone some good!
Thanks for this wonderful insight. I never thought of it like this before. I like being a revolutionary my company is actually called R evolutionScape — from the words revolution, evolution and landscape but now I see the importance of balancing revolutionary with reactionary. I know without doubt I am a revolutionary.
I used to be a reactionary but times change. You read a good book and it changes your whole outlook on life. Your email address will not be published. Notify me of followup comments via e-mail. Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment. Are You Reactionary or Revolutionary? Advantages of the Reactionary Mindset Adopting a reactionary viewpoint lets you celebrate the achievements of the past.
Blending the Two So how do you know which way to approach change? Reactionary How can I make small changes now to improve things? Where is life going well at the moment? Which relationships do I want to foster — and which do I want to let quietly fade?
How can I build on the successes of the past year? Revolutionary What would my ideal day look like? Where do I need a fresh start, and how can I get it? Is there a U-turn that I need to make?
About The Author. Ali Luke Ali writes about personal growth and development on her blog, Aliventures. As well as blogging, she writes fiction, and is studying for an MA in Creative Writing.
Leave a Comment Cancel Reply Your email address will not be published. Copy link. Copy Copied. Powered by Social Snap. I do, however, intend it to sound mean about the reactionary , prejudice-infested place she comes from. Reactionary movements are, first and foremost, not rational. The 4th of July has been reactionary , chauvinistic, and out-of-date since Reactionary conservative candidates did alarmingly well in recent elections for the European Parliament. So Rove—I will give him this much—knows the workings of the fearful, reactionary mind.
It was one of the conservative sheets, comic-less, reactionary Republican to the core. This was effected, and Louis Philippe was balked of his desire to interfere in Portugal to promote a reactionary policy.
Her husband expressed himself forcibly on a public occasion against some reactionary measures of the government. But conservatives had their own pantheon of foreign-born exotics, who dispensed very different lessons and left a deeper and more lasting imprint on our politics.
Lilla enlarges and subtilizes the picture by working through the legacies of two other refugees, the political philosophers Eric Voegelin and Leo Strauss.
Voegelin was born in Cologne but grew up in Vienna and, in the nineteen-twenties, spent two years in America, where he heard John Dewey lecture at Columbia. He returned to Vienna to teach. When Hitler rose to power, Voegelin bravely published an attack on biological racism.
After the Anschluss, he escaped by train to Switzerland while Gestapo agents were searching his apartment. This was more or less what American conservatives had been saying since the New Deal, but now the argument had philosophical heft and had been updated for the twilight struggle.
Meyer was one of many on the right who were all but unhinged by the Sputnik launch, in The Soviets, supposed to be enslaved automatons, had emerged as sorcerers who conquered the mysteries of the booster rocket while American scientists were still firing duds.
Voegelin offered spiritual balm. Sputnik was just a metal capsule, after all, a false image spinning in pointless orbit through the godless wastes. But conservatives read Voegelin attentively, and set about trying to spread his arcane message to the masses.
The Conservative Rally for World Liberation, held in March, , at Madison Square Garden, drew a crowd of eighteen thousand, with picketers and protesters gathered outside.
The star of the event was L. Unlike Voegelin, Strauss is still famous, thanks to his position at the University of Chicago, the intellectual citadel of neoconservative thought in the seventies and eighties. For Strauss, it was all part of a massive clearance project, meant to return philosophy to its ancient founders, Plato and Aristotle. Voegelin had readers; Strauss had apostles. Among them was his son, William, who studied at Harvard with the Straussian Harvey Mansfield before going to Washington and becoming a major player in the G.
This history appalls Lilla. His normal approach is that of a courtly sommelier, decanting his intellectual elixir and then stepping back to enjoy our pleasure in it.
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